Reaping the Whirlwind
It's not just the funny hats that are rendering Republicans irrelevant.
It started with health care—at least, that’s what the
movement claimed.
They showed up at town meetings that were seeking to gather
a consensus on reforming the American health care system, but they didn’t come
to discuss, or even to engage in constructive criticism. They came to shout and
scream, to shut down the grass roots part of the process, and they succeeded.
They were a tiny minority, but the volume of their protest drowned out all the
hopes and dreams of the rest of America. They reacted to what they considered
unconstitutional nationalization of corrupt, bloated industries that were
bankrupting both individuals and collectives with the mountains of expensive
red tape they erected as barriers to the product they were supposed to be
delivering. Some of them dressed up in colonial costumes, others suspended
teabags from wide brimmed hats, and they called themselves the Tea Party.
Over time, the movement attracted other disaffected
conservatives, and the ugliness of their outcry grew to encompass immigrants.
They were also united in their hatred of the first dark-skinned President of
the United States. Their power far exceeded their actual numbers, because these
were people who could be counted on to turn out, and to vote as a unified bloc.
They could also be depended on to oppose Democratic candidates.
The Republican Party smelled opportunity, and pounced on it.
By appealing to Tea Party voters in general elections—especially in
non-Presidential years—the Republican Party could bring out a hard core of
voters who were often enough to nudge incumbent Democrats out of office, as
their own voter base was far more likely to stay home. This was fine for
November elections, but primaries were different. To win the Tea Party vote in
a primary, Republicans had to play the populist card, appealing to the most
paranoid segments of their base.
This resulted in increasingly xenophobic candidates, many of
whom succeeded in upsetting incumbent Republicans with solid conservative credentials.
Over time, Congress took a hard swing to the right, and President Obama found
all the immensely popular measures he had initially campaigned on, and won his
first election with, stymied by a recalcitrant legislature. He still cruised
easily to reelection, in large part because the minority voters who have just
edged white voters out of the majority, as well as female voters, have been
turned off by the GOP’s anti-immigrant, anti-government, anti-women platform.
The off-year election of 2014 again saw these same voters
staying home, while the reactionary Tea Party core turned out, resulting in the
Senate shifting from a Democratic to Republican majority. Emboldened by this
victory, Congress has doubled down in its opposition to President Obama’s
agenda, forcing him to make policy through executive orders and regulations
rather than legislation. Paradoxically, this activity—or, more realistically,
strident inactivity—seems likely to cost the Republicans much of what they won
in 2014. The vehement xenophobia, bordering on racism, of current GOP
presidential leader Donald Trump is charging up Hispanic voters, even as
growing awareness of police violence against African-Americans is empowering
those voters, as well.
The Republicans find themselves reaping the whirlwind. Their
short-sighted coddling of low information voters has made it impossible to deny
their basest instincts. This is America’s ugliest side, the citizens who fear
anyone who doesn’t look like, talk like, and worship like they do, who despise
their black President, who want to turn America’s southern border into a
fortress, who want to expel even legal immigrants from American soil, who cry “freedom”
while limiting the rights of women, who insist upon their own religious rights
to prejudicially discriminate against LGBT Americans. These voters will come
out on primary election day, and they will vote for candidates who run on their
racist, sexist, homophobic platform: candidates who, even though they may edge
past more moderate, establishment candidates in the primary, cannot win in the
general election, when women, persons of color, and gay voters will elect
Democrats.
The Republican reaping of the whirlwind has cost America
uncounted billions that could have been improving the lives of the vast
majority of Americans. It has also rendered the party irrelevant. Tea Party
voters, however strident they may be in demanding the attention of Republican
politicians, represent a shrinking part of America, a part that is aging out,
dying off, being replaced by generations of Americans who are kinder, gentler,
more accepting of diversity, who just don’t get what all the fuss is about, and
who are never, ever going to vote for the Republican party in this incarnation.
The Republican victories of 2010 and 2014 were pyrrhic. In
sixteen months, we who believe America’s strength lies in its diversity are
going to take our country back, as the whirlwind blows away those who sought to
reap its power.
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